
Royal blue and emblazoned with the White House seal, the “Official
Affordable Care Act Enrollment Countdown” is a paper calendar that keeps
track of the time before uninsured Americans can begin signing up for
coverage under the president’s signature health care law.
On Tuesday, the top page said simply: “70 Days Left.”
The message is clear. Few things are more important to the White House
this year than a successful health care rollout on Oct. 1, when millions
of uninsured Americans will be required to obtain private health
coverage in government-run marketplaces. Getting it right — or wrong —
will help determine Mr. Obama’s place in history.
Enter the Obamacare Team, some two dozen political operators and
data-crunching technocrats charged with carrying out the biggest health
care overhaul since Medicare in the 1960s — but with more pitfalls.
Their job is to sell the law to large numbers of Americans who remain
divided about its value and wary of its impact. Republicans have seized
on one Democratic description of the health care law as a “train wreck,”
particularly after the administration announced a politically damaging one-year delay in a key provision of the law.
Working out of war rooms in the West Wing basement, the Eisenhower
Executive Office Building and the Department of Health and Human
Services, the team is first trying to find in the next year 2.7 million
uninsured people between 18 and 35, most of whom are healthy. Just as
Mr. Obama’s electoral success hinged on the turnout machine he created
in Chicago, the fate of the health care law rests on whether his
administration can turn out and enroll the uninsured.
“The key for us is to take this out of the abstract and make it very,
very, very real,” one of the leaders of the effort, David Simas, told a
dozen White House aides during a strategy session in the West Wing last
week.
Mr. Simas, a top strategic adviser to the president, was in charge of
the 2012 Obama campaign’s effort to understand voter sentiment and
opinions. His challenge now is to apply the same techniques of
microtargeting to the health care law.
In spreadsheets and PowerPoint presentations, Mr. Simas rattles off
statistics from individual census tracts, like one in Texas that has
6,737 uninsured African-Americans 18 to 35 — exactly the kind of people
he needs to find. “It’s all about designing outreach,” Mr. Simas said,
with maps of Dallas on his two computer screens. “It’s getting people to
the front door.”
The team is also turning to Hollywood. Jennifer Hudson, Amy Poehler,
Aisha Tyler and representatives for Oprah Winfrey, Jon Bon Jovi and
others were at the White House on Monday for a meeting with Valerie
Jarrett, Mr. Obama’s senior adviser, on plans for them to promote the
health care law through social media, public service announcements and
television appearances. Mr. Obama briefly stopped by, saying they needed
to urge young people to sign up.
Hours later, Ms. Tyler told David Letterman on his show that the
president was “trying to enlist people to help people understand the
Affordable Care Act and know that young people can get insurance where
they couldn’t afford it before.”
The main portal is healthcare
.gov, where the uninsured can sign up for health plans starting on Oct. 1. For now, the Web site is full of what the White House hopes is nonthreatening, user-friendly information, with a goal of making shopping for health care like buying a book on Amazon. On a whiteboard in his West Wing basement office, Mr. Simas sketched out the simple Web site screens for buying insurance that visitors should see in October.
.gov, where the uninsured can sign up for health plans starting on Oct. 1. For now, the Web site is full of what the White House hopes is nonthreatening, user-friendly information, with a goal of making shopping for health care like buying a book on Amazon. On a whiteboard in his West Wing basement office, Mr. Simas sketched out the simple Web site screens for buying insurance that visitors should see in October.
The team has spent months coordinating with insurance companies, state
officials, pharmacies, health centers, hospitals, mayors and sports
teams. Tara McGuinness, the chief communications adviser for the effort,
has a spreadsheet showing some of the thousands of Walgreens pharmacies
that are to help spread the word. In Kentucky, organizers are planning
to pass out information at the state’s popular bourbon festivals.
The federal government has already set up call centers to field
questions, allocated $150 million for workers at community health
centers to help administer the rollout, and created “red teams” of
computer specialists operating out of a building in Columbia, Md., as a
strike force to confront technical problems.
Overseeing the entire effort is Mr. McDonough, a former deputy national
security adviser, who talks about “real-time feedback” and vows to
“recalibrate our coordinates” when Republicans criticize the health care
law. “The way I am attacking this is the way I attacked a lot of
problems at the national security staff,” he said in an interview. “We
have a strategy. We have a target. It’s my job to make sure that
everyone is keeping focused on the target.”
But much remains out of their hands. The federal government has full control over the insurance marketplaces in only 19 states. An additional 17 are being managed completely by the states and the District of Columbia, and 15 are joint ventures. Getting the computer systems to talk to one another is a challenge, much as it was in 2006, when more than 22 million people enrolled in a new Medicare drug benefit.
Even though the beneficiaries were already on the Medicare books — the
Bush administration did not have to search for them — the first months
of the sign-up were chaotic.
“The data definitely did not flow smoothly,” said Mark B. McClellan, who
was in charge of carrying out the Medicare change for President George
W. Bush and has talked with Mr. Obama’s team this year. “All it takes is
1 percent of things not working smoothly to have tens or hundreds of
thousands or even millions of people with problems.”
Many of Mr. Obama’s allies across the country remain concerned about
computer glitches, confusion at hospitals, a blasé attitude among
uninsured Americans and the possibility that people will be victimized
by insurance fraud as they try to buy coverage for the first time.
“We have a couple million people coming in, and so much money involved,”
said Dave Jones, the insurance commissioner in California and a
supporter of the health care law. “I want to make sure those consumers
are not taken advantage of.”
In Virginia, state officials working with the federal government to
create a health insurance marketplace say they fear computer problems
and misunderstandings among buyers. “What keeps me up at night is once
the national messages start going out, people in my state are going to
be confused,” said Cindi B. Jones, the director of the Virginia Health
Reform Initiative. “When there’s confusion, who are they going to blame?
The state? The feds? It’s just the circumstances of too much to
implement too soon.”
Republican critics, meanwhile, are gearing up. On the same day last week
that Mr. McDonough handed out the countdown calendars to his staff,
House Republicans voted again to repeal the heart of the health care
law, the requirement that all individuals obtain health insurance or
face a fine. Arguing for repeal, Speaker John A. Boehner mocked the law.
“Not ‘fabulous’ or ‘wonderful,’ ” he said. “A train wreck.”
The next day, the conservative group Crossroads GPS, co-founded by Karl
Rove, the Republican strategist, began running a video called
“ObamaCareNado” comparing the law to a tornado ripping through a
terrified community. “A rising tide of health care costs,” a narrator
intones. “Nobody safe from its wrath!”
Mr. McDonough vowed that the Obamacare team would fight back. “What they won’t do is stop us,” he said.
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